This question is not new: Observers of the UN have often hopefully evoked its role – and all too they have expressed resignation in view of the UN’s failures and blockades. Author and journalist Andreas Zumach examines the possibilities for the UN in his book “Reform oder Blockade”. He clarifies: not the UN as such is the actor, but its members, currently 193 states, steer the course of the UN with their voting behaviour, initiatives, and contributions. What was debated in negotiations, who participated, and how did the negotiators act? Are the procedures and rules of the UN utilised and respected – or are they even undermined?

Andreas Zumach (2021): Reform oder Blockade – welche Zukunft hat die UNO? Zürich: Rotpunktverlag. ISBN 978-3-85869-911-4, 360 S., 26 €.

As a long-time UN correspondent for various German daily newspapers, Andreas Zumach has closely followed these processes and vividly depicts conflicts, reforms, and recent developments in international relations. Within the 360 pages of Zumach’s book, he identifies through the prism of the UN and its rules the positioning of political leaders, relevant actors and crucial decisions which have shaped the course of most commonly known conflicts and debates. His detailed insights and concise descriptions thus bring an enlightening perspective on responsibilities and possibilities within international politics. The author wisely choses to forego source references to the numerous resolutions or to the general procedures, instead he includes references to background information, directly in the text, when exploring less familiar or controversial topics.

Zumach begins his book in the aftermath of the Corona virus pandemic to zoom in on international health policy. He addresses how the World Health Organization (WHO) has increasingly become dependent on financial support from pharmaceutical companies, foundations, and private donors since the end of the Cold War. As a result, the WHO has increasingly neglected its founding mandate – to support the expansion of public health and welfare systems. A more sustainable funding of member states, as advocated by the NGO “Medico International”, would reduce economic dependency on a few powerful actors. Similarly, erosion of the UN’s structures is occurring elsewhere, such as in the economic and environmental sectors, as Zumach impressively demonstrates.

Looking to the Conference on Disarmament, Zumach illustrates the blocking mentality of states and how the most significant progress in recent years is mainly due to initiatives by NGOs – with some of the negotiations and agreements even taking place outside the UN. Additionally, the increased erosion of international law since the late 1990s has thwarted hopes that the UN, by overcoming the East-West confrontation, could finally advocate more effectively for peaceful conflict resolution. Thus, Zumach convincingly outlines the preconditions of the current crisis of UN organs and their inability to act in the face of the Ukraine war.

The so-called Kosovo War in 1999 created a precedent for the disregard of international law, according to Zumach. Concepts such as the “Responsibility to Protect” with reference to the genocides in Rwanda and the massacre of Srebrenica were used by NATO countries to justify their air war against Serbia and Montenegro. However, Zumach shows that even in these atrocities, there were warning voices, and other courses of action were proposed beforehand. In breach of international law, this war narrowed diplomacy to a militarily supported policy of threats. This denegation of UN procedures for international conflict regulation, would remain a central motif also later in the so-called “war on terror” by the USA and its allies. Moreover, as Moscow was told “NATO would act without Russian involvement and consent” (p. 224), Zumach argues that this provided a blueprint for the illegal annexation of Crimea and paved the way for further illegal wars.

“No other violent conflict since the end of the Cold War has seen such widespread agreement among large sections of public and published opinion that the United Nations and especially the UN Security Council have failed in the multi-fronted war taking place in and around Syria since March 2014” (2021: p. 116). Zumach details the numerous failed negotiation rounds and the constant assurances of good intention by all negotiating parties, while simultaneously continuing to support allies in Syria. Henceforth, it would be up to the UN member states, especially the representatives of the Security Council, to impose a peace plan.

Zumach also examines Ukraine policy and the background to the Russian invasion, highlighting the revoked promise not to expand the NATO to the east, the EU’s influence on Ukraine, Russia’s illegal annexation of Crimea, and describing possible de-escalation steps. He suggests that it might be a hangover from the times of cold war, that the UN stays out of conflicts involving one or more veto powers. Zumach then considers the self-blockade of the international community and concludes that other UN member states could mediate and support the de-escalation of the conflict.

Despite the many failures of the UN the overall tone of the book towards the organisation is hopeful: Zumach concludes that the UN is still needed and that it could play a much more significant role in international peacekeeping and social development. However, the prerequisite for a successful functioning of UN is that the member states want this, adequately equip the UN and respect its rules.

Zumach states that the “decisive question for the future of the UN is […] whether the political elites in Washington finally accept the relative loss of economic and political power and influence of their country and acknowledge the multipolar reality of this world” (p. 113). He says that after four years of Trump and his declared hostility towards the UN, US President Biden has once again turned more towards multilateral organisations. However, there is still a long way to go until an accepted multilateralism is fully established.

Since the publication of the book in 2021, Russia has invaded Ukraine. The member states were not able or willing to use the forums of the UN institutions for active diplomacy – or did so only to a limited extent. The question of the UN’s capacity to act in matters of war and peace has thus grown more acute.

A revised edition of the book, taking recent developments into account, would certainly be very interesting. That said, the current version can be highly recommended to all those seeking a deeper understanding of the development and functioning of the UN. It would certainly be a gain if the German titel “Reform oder Blockade. Welche Zukunft hat die UNO?” would be available in English. Furthermore, the book stimulates reflections on starting points for civil society engagement, the positioning of scientific analysis, and the possibilities for peaceful conflict resolution through international organisations. 

This book review was first published in German with Wissenschaft & Frieden: Susanne Schmelter (2023): Wissenschaft & Frieden 2023/3 Gesellschaft in Konflikt, pages 63–64.

Susanne Schmelter, May 2024